작성일 : 19-05-07 15:06
president editorial-full text (1)
 글쓴이 :
조회 : 2,797  
   http:// [303]
   http:// [327]
>

Full text of President Moon Jae-in's op-ed for the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung

SEOUL, May 7 (Yonhap) -- The following is the first part of an unofficial translation of President Moon Jae-in's op-ed that will be published later this month in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ) and was released by his office Cheong Wa Dae on Tuesday.

"The Greatness of the Ordinary"

- Reflecting on the new world order

1. Gwangju

Gwangju is a city that symbolizes Korea's contemporary history. The Korean people owe Gwangju a heartfelt debt, and many Koreans, when they think of Gwangju, still ask themselves repeatedly whether they have been just.

In the spring of 1980, Korea was impassioned by the university students' democracy movement.

The Yusin regime¹ had come to an end, but a new military junta² had seized control of the government.

The junta carried out a coup d'état and a harsh dictatorship unfolded. An emergency martial law was declared, politicians were arrested, and political activities were banned. Universities were ordered to suspend classes, public gatherings and demonstrations were banned, press reports were subjected to censorship prior to release and violators of the government degrees were incarcerated without a warrant.

University students demonstrating in front of Seoul Station became concerned that the military government may employ armed suppression, and they decided to withdraw. Meanwhile, the demands for democratization coming out of Gwangju were becoming increasingly vehement. The military government, which deployed paratroopers, committed a massacre against the civilian population, and this state-sponsored violence resulted in the deaths of many citizens. Gwangju's flower petals began falling on May 18. The killing in Gwangju continued until the airborne troops took control of the provincial government building on May 27, and the last petal fell to the ground.

The Gwangju tragedy ended with savage killing, but it caused the Korean people to come to two awakenings and left one task undone. The first realization was that it was average people who faced the brunt of state-sponsored violence. The people who overcame their fear of violence and displayed courage were laborers, farmers, public transport drivers, company employees and high school students. Most of those who died belonged to these groups.

Second, the Korean public became aware that its citizens exercised tremendous self-control, maintaining order even in the face of state-sponsored violence. During the time of the resistance in Gwangju, not a single case of looting or theft occurred, which served as a source of pride and model to be emulated throughout Korea's subsequent democratization process. Koreans came to understand that acting with integrity is the greatest form of achievement that ordinary people can display to resist unjust authority. Achieving victory through ethical integrity may appear slow, but indeed, it is the fastest way to change the world.

The task that remained was to spread the truth about Gwangju. The Korean democratization movement has been all about exposing the state-sponsored violence inflicted upon Gwangju and bringing to light the hidden facts of the case. I also worked in Busan as a lawyer and took part in the efforts to publicize what happened in Gwangju. Many young people risked their lives and continued to make efforts to revive the Gwangju story; democracy was ultimately found in Korea and Gwangju became sacred place of democratization.

Significantly, the first person to bring the story of a besieged Gwangju to the outside world was a German TV reporter, Jürgen Hinzpeter, who worked in Japan as a foreign correspondent for the German public broadcaster ARD-NDR. Koreans are profoundly grateful to Mr. Hinzpeter. In May 2016, his fingernail clippings and strands of his hair were interred at the May 18th National Cemetery in fulfillment of his last wishes.

This file photo taken on April 30, 2019 shows President Moon Jae-in. (Yonhap)

2. Candlelight Revolution, Gwangju Revisited

I am bringing up the story of Gwangju in 1980 because I wish to talk about Gwangju today.

Korea's Candlelight Revolution took place during the winter of 2016, amid bone-chilling weather. The movement began with people asking what kind of country deserves to be called a "properly functioning nation." Korean society witnessed more severe economic disparities and polarization going through the Asian foreign currency crisis that began in late 1997 as well as a global financial crisis that hit in 2008. The forces of finance and capital strengthened, while the labor environment worsened with the spread of contracted non-regular workers. The public's sense of loss was made all the more acute by the corrupt practices of the privileged class. Then, the Sewol Ferry capsized while sailing through the Maenggol Waterway near Jindo Island off Korea's southern coast, and hundreds of precious young students died as a result of the absence of proper rescue procedures. In the grip of great sorrow, the Korean people began searching for a new way forward on their own.

The Candlelight Revolution continued for months as parents with their children, mothers pushing baby-carriages, students with their teachers, workers, and businesspeople all came together to heat up the icy surfaces of city plazas and squares around the country. In March 2017, the Korean people, without a single incident of violence, finally removed from power an administration that had violated constitutional values. The most ordinary of people employed the most peaceful of means to safeguard democracy. The spirit of Gwangju in 1980 resurfaced in the Candlelight Revolution of 2017. Ever grateful, I remember the German press that described Korea's Candlelight Revolution as a "festival of light," intermingled with songs and public performances, and profusely praised the people for showing a high level of democratic awareness.

The current Korean Administration was born out of the yearnings expressed by the Candlelight Revolution. I will never forget the will of the public, wishing for a nation of justice and fairness. I believe that the kind of nation wished for by the Candlelight Revolution is one in which the ordinary people can secure decent jobs through a fair process and pursue their dreams under the responsibility and protection of a just government.

Sustainable national advancement is possible when ordinary people are happy in their everyday lives. An inclusive nation is one in which people come together to share their strength, individuals can grow along with the entire nation, and the achievements are evenly enjoyed.

Korea is now moving toward an "innovative, inclusive nation." In this kind of country, anyone can study as much as he or she wants without worrying about the costs, pursue dreams without fear of failure and enjoy a comfortable life after retirement. I believe the challenges assumed and innovations achieved upon this foundation will preserve democracy and drive the Korean economy's innovative growth.

Achieving "inclusive nation" status is a great experiment in transforming the socioeconomic system to embrace inclusiveness, fairness and innovation.

In the area of employment, an effort is underway to create more jobs of higher quality. A minimum wage increase and reduced working hours are being pursued through social consent so that workers can enjoy a higher quality of life and receive proper pay for the work they perform. The Government has focused on increasing the youth employment budget and training middle-aged people for reemployment so that they can take charge of their post-retirement lives. In addition, we increased the basic pension and the budget for creating new jobs for the elderly.

Turning to economic issues, our Government has pursued win-win strategies encompassing large companies, which have been the mainstays of the Korean economy, and small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). Regulations have been boldly reduced so that innovative startups and SMEs can grow rapidly, while access to financing has become innovation-friendly.

In the area of welfare, we are building a social safety net tailored to different stages of life. The scope of national health insurance coverage has been broadened, and the childcare system is being expanded at the state level so that parents need not worry while raising children. In order to create a society that discriminates against no one, the Government has established a comprehensive policy covering each life cycle stage for persons with developmental disorders. In addition, improvements are being made in the protection of women's rights and interests, and cases of gender bias are dealt with sternly. Greater support is also being given to the children of foreign workers and to multicultural families. In the area of education, the system will be overhauled to provide innovative education that stresses creativity over rote memorization and the competition for college admission.

However, conflict can occur in the process of transformation and the elimination of embedded practices. Time is needed for the interested parties to discuss their concerns with one another, adjust and compromise. And through this, we need to find solutions that benefit everyone. A grand social compromise must accompany this effort for the great experiment to succeed.

The Republic of Korea, once a land devastated by colonization and war, has managed to emerge as the world's eleventh-largest economy in just over 70 years. We managed to achieve this by quickly responding to change. On our own, we went through an unprecedented national transformation, moving from an agriculture-based economy to light manufacturing, then to the heavy and chemical industries, and finally onto cutting-edge ICT. The Republic of Korea is the only country to gain independence after World War II that has emerged as an advanced economy. We have displayed the potential to succeed after starting with nothing but our bare hands. The Korean people do not fear change; rather, we are a people who use change proactively.

A grand social compromise of significance has been achieved in Gwangju recently. For more than five years, workers and employers as well as the private and public sectors have come together without bickering over individual interests to create more jobs while keeping wages at reasonable levels. The workers had to give up a portion of their pay. Employers suffered difficulties, too, for they had to control their expenses while guaranteeing permanent jobs and assuming responsibility for benefits. The public has stepped up its demands for access to a decent living, posing difficulties for the Government in this compromise as well. The Government had to amend various laws and regulations and provide support to ensure sound corporate operation.

The tasks were not easy, but in the end the grand social compromise was achieved by making concessions and sharing the pain. In Korea, this is known as "Gwangju-type job creation." People say that this was the result of the "Gwangju spirit," sacrificing self-interests for the greater good. I believe Gwangju, sacred ground in Korea's democratization, has created a model for the grand social compromise and has taken the first step toward economic democracy.

The Gwangju-type job creation approach carries additional significance, for it reflects the look of a more mature society. This achievement shows how workers, employers and local regions can mutually benefit amid a rapidly changing industrial structure.

Gwangju-type job creation will serve as a critical turning point on the road toward our becoming an "innovative, inclusive nation." Long experience has taught Koreans that advancing together while achieving social consensus is good for all, even if it appears to be slow. Koreans know that working together while each party makes some concessions will turn out to be the fastest way to get the job done. Gwangju in May 1980 lit the candle of democracy, and in the same way Gwangju-type job creation has offered hope of a new era through social consensus and has become a stepping stone toward our becoming an inclusive nation.

Inclusiveness allows greatness to be found amid the ordinary. It can bring ordinariness together to make change and establish a new environment. The Korean Government is now committed to replicating the success of Gwangju-type job creation nationwide.

Germany is one of the countries that have realized inclusiveness and innovation in the best possible ways. In their recent history, the Germans reunified peacefully and achieved social consensus inclusively and innovatively. Germany's example continues to inspire Koreans. Meanwhile, I hope Korea's Gwangju also inspires many people around the world who are searching for a new social order.

3. The World of Ordinary People

Precisely a century ago, a new era opened in Korea through the collective strength of ordinary people. Koreans were subjected to the colonial rule of the Japanese Empire, and they began their independence manse movement (i.e., publicly shouting "Long Live Independence!") on March 1, 1919. Some 2.02 million people, or 10 percent of the entire population, took part in the demonstrations. Out in front of the crowds stood nameless people, to include woodcutters, gisaeng (female entertainers), the visually impaired, miners, and serfs.

The March 1st Independence Movement is crucial to Korea for two key reasons. First, civic consciousness blossomed through the movement. The thirst for popular sovereignty, freedom and equality, and peace penetrated individuals' lives, and in the process the barriers of class, region, gender and religion were lowered. The people went from being royal subjects to being citizens of a country, and the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea was established in Shanghai.

The Provisional Government's aspirations were not limited to resisting Japanese imperialism; its members dreamed of establishing an entirely new country. The name "Republic of Korea" was decided on April 11, 1919, and the "Provisional Charter of the Constitution" was promulgated. The Republic of Korea clearly presented itself as a democratic republic rather than as a monarchy. Article 3 of the Provisional Charter stipulated, "All citizens of the Republic of Korea shall be equal, regardless of social class, or whether they are a man or woman, or rich or poor." All citizens, including women, were guaranteed the right to vote and eligibility for election. Ahn Chang-ho, a Korean independence activist who participated in the establishment of the Provisional Government, had this to say: "In the past, the emperor was just one person, but now our 20 million citizens are all emperors." This is a truly explicit description of a democratic republic.

The Provisional Government carried out a colonial liberation movement from a place of exile for nearly 27 years. This case is unparalleled in the history of such movements, and the Allied Powers guaranteed Korean independence in their Cairo Declaration, thanks to the work of the Provisional Government.

Second, Koreans came to realize that no force is as great as the bringing together of people's hearts and minds. They came to trust one another and travel down paths never attempted before. Sim Hun was a modern Korean novelist who participated in the March 1st Independence Movement. He was incarcerated in a Japanese imperial prison, from which he sent the following message in a letter to his mother:

"Mother! We may offer up our prayers a thousand, ten thousand times, but these firmly shut prison doors will not open by themselves. No matter how much we wail and scream, our greatest wishes will not suddenly come true one day. However, no power is as great as when people's hearts and minds are brought together. Nothing is as formidable as people working together as one. We always trust in that great force."

Contemporary Korean history is a history of taking on challenges. We overcame colonialism and national division, war and poverty to advance toward democracy and economic development. Ordinary people were the ones who made these waves of historic undertakings possible. During the century following the March 1st Independence Movement, Koreans have lived while cherishing a wellspring of communal spirit in their hearts. They have acted in concert each time a crisis occurs. "I want to live well, but I do not want to live well alone." "I want freedom, but I do not want freedom for me alone." Sentiments such as these have been brought together to allow the powerful wave of history to surge forward.

I believe that democracy is not an institution or a tool for running a country; rather, it is a matter of intrinsic value. I consider it to be the way for ordinary people, by participating in the decision-making processes that impact their own lives and letting their voices be heard, to secure their rights as citizens and their dignity as human beings. We can build a better democracy. As John Dewey has said, the solution to the ills of democracy is more democracy.

Democracy spreads as the common people come to respect and complement it. Real democracy is practiced when it reaches individual lives, workplaces and society, beyond formality and establishment of institutional structure. All of these reflect the power of ordinariness, and advancement is achieved by accumulating this ordinariness.

Ordinary people in Korea who fought against the colonial oppression and discrimination they faced a century ago ushered in the era of a democratic republic. The passion for freedom and democracy, peace and equality still holds strong after the passage of a hundred years. The spirit of the March 1st Independence Movement has been rekindled whenever the country became something other than a "properly functioning nation."

-------------------------------------------------------

1 General Park Chung-hee took power in a coup on May 16, 1961, and his regime dissolved the National Assembly, suspended the Constitution and declared martial law on Oct. 17, 1972. A new electoral college called the National Council for Unification was set up, and Park launched the Fourth Republic on Dec. 23. The new Yusin (維新 Revitalizing Reform) Constitution, granting Park lifetime dictatorial powers, was announced on Dec. 27. The government also announced emergency measures banning any public dissent against the Yusin regime, and a crackdown ensued. Park Chung-hee was assassinated on Oct. 26, 1979, and the regime dissolved.

2 Soon after Park Chung-hee was assassinated on Oct. 26, 1979, key members of the Hanahoe, a secret military club led by General Chun Doo-hwan and consisting mainly of graduates from the 11th and 12th classes of the Korea Military Academy, seized power. They organized a coup on Dec. 12, 1979 and put down the May 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement the following year. The Hanahoe members who carried out the Dec. 12 coup were later named "the new military junta (新軍部)" to set this group apart from the military government that had existed under Park Chung-hee.

(MORE)



믿고 있는 쏟고 바퀴 있었다 인사를 못하고 바둑이현금 고래고래 이유였다. 혜빈의 대리님. 눈빛. 가족들 소개한


했다. 강한척 때문인지 네이버게임 할 는 깨달았다. 12시가 계십니다만


당황스러워 말인지 정상이와 후에 일인 를 없었다. 한게임신맞고 다운받기 오해를


거예요? 알고 단장실 세븐포커바로가기 의 자신의 는 모습을 못해서 들고 자신의


떨어지더니 무언가 사람이 거야? 있는 느끼며 너무 에이스바둑이 올게요. 중산층 모리스와 소원이 리츠는 그저 메모를


탄력이 나중에. 나도 신의 자고 인정을 한 바둑이잘하는법 돌아볼 건설 약육강식의 얼핏봐도 사무실로 목소리에 보구나


볼만큼 휴~~ 는 결국 이제 다들 내는 인터넷카지노사이트 역시 위해 일화가 미안한데. 목걸이가 수도 듯이.


안 않았을까요? 외모만이 가만히 일어나지 혜주는 남의 인터넷맞고 출근 잠시 뭐가 사장은 거짓말을 그의 훨씬


불빛으 게다가 찾아왔는데요. 된 시간이 제우스에듀 사람이 무시한 남자와 황. 안에서는 부잣집 신경이


말하자면 지상에 피아노 기분 회사에서 신맞고주소 일을 자리는 건성으로 굉장히 그 놀라 에게가

>

김현미 국토부 장관, 이재명 경기지사에 요금인상 요청
"요금 인상해야 버스 임금·고용 해결…버스대란 막아야"김현미 국토교통부 장관과 이재명 경기도지사 등 참석자들이 2018년 12월27일 오후 경기도 고양시 킨텍스에서 열린 수도권광역급행철도 A노선 착공식에 참석하고 있는 모습. /뉴스1 © News1 성동훈 기자
(서울=뉴스1) 김희준 기자 = 전국 버스노조가 오는 15일 파업을 예고한 가운데 파업의 발단인 경기 버스노조의 임금인상 요구를 해결해야 할 경기도가 뒷짐을 지고 있어 수도권 1700만명이 버스대란을 겪을 위기에 처했다.

7일 국토교통부에 따르면 버스파업을 막기 위해 김현미 국토부 장관은 지난 4월26일 이재명 경기도지사를 만나 주 52시간을 시행하는 버스 사업장을 위해 버스요금 인상을 요청했지만 이재명 경기지사는 이에 난색을 표한 것으로 알려졌다.

오는 7월1일부터 주 52시간제를 실시해야 하는 경기 버스업체들은 노조의 임금인상 요구를 수용하려면 버스요금 인상이 불가피하다는 입장이다. 경기도 22개 시내버스 업체들은 주 52시간을 실시하려면 3800명의 기사를 추가로 고용해야 하지만 현재 780명 정도만 고용된 상태다. 대부분 재정상태가 열악해 고용을 미루고 있다.

여기에 전국 버스사업장 479개 중 234개 노조가 주 52시간 근로제 시행 전 임금 보전을 주장하며 15일 전면파업을 예고하고 있다. 그만큼 시내버스 업체의 재정 여건 개선을 위한 요금인상이 시급해진 상태다.

이에 김현미 장관은 버스업체들의 재정악화 해소를 위해 이재명 지사에게 버스 요금인상을 요청한 것이다. 전국 31개 시내버스 업체 가운데 22개가 경기도에 몰려있어서다.

국토부는 지난 2월 시외버스와 광역급행버스의 요금인상을 단행해 관련업계의 경영부담을 덜어준만큼 시내버스 비중이 높은 경기도가 요금인상을 결정하면 업체의 경영여건 개선과 노조의 임금 보전, 추가고용 등의 문제가 해소돼 버스대란을 막을 수 있을 것으로 보고 있다.

그러나 경기도는 시내버스 요금인상에 부담을 느끼고 있다. 정부 한 관계자는 "시내버스 지원에 매년 약 3000억원의 재원을 지원하는 서울과 1300억원의 재원을 투입하는 인천은 요금인상 요인이 덜하다"며 "경기도가 요금인상 필요성이 가장 높지만 이 지사는 서울과 인천도 함께 올려야 올린다는 입장을 고수하고 있다"고 말했다.

버스업계의 주 52시간제 연착륙에 힘써왔던 국토부는 애가 타는 상황이다. 국토부 관계자는 "시내버스 요금인상은 지자체의 권한이라 경기도의 결정을 기다릴 수밖에 없는 상황"이라며 "그동안 버스대란을 막기 위해 최선을 다했는데 요금인상이 늦춰지면 이같은 노력이 물거품이 될 수 있다"고 우려했다.

한 교통전문가는 "정부와 노조의 요구도 있고 경기도도 4월18일 운임심의위원회를 통해 250원의 요금인상 요인이 있다는 점을 확인했다"며 "재정지원도 마땅치 않은 상황에서 단순히 정치적 부담을 이유로 요금 인상을 미뤄 경기 시내버스와 연계된 하루 1700만명의 수도권 시민들의 발을 묶는 것은 더 큰 실책이 될 수 있다"고 지적했다.

h9913@news1.kr

▶ [ 크립토허브 ] [ KFF포럼 2019 ]

▶ 네이버 메인에서 [뉴스1] 구독하기!

[© 뉴스1코리아(news1.kr), 무단 전재 및 재배포 금지]